Wednesday, January 25, 2017

"سي آي إيه" تكشف تاريخ #حافظ_الأسد الإرهابي


كشف تقرير لوكالة الاستخبارات المركزية الأمريكية (سي آي إيه)، أن النظام في سوريا واليونان قدما الدعم لمنظمات إرهابية في ثمانينات القرن الماضي، بينها منظمتا "بي كي كي"، و"أصالا" (ميليشيات أرمنية)، بحسب ما نقلته وكالة الأناضول. 
 جاء ذلك في تقرير نشرته الوكالة، الأسبوع الماضي، ويتعلق بما دار في اجتماع عقد في الأول من تموز/ يوليو 1987، تحت عنوان "التوقعات والتحذيرات في مكافحة الإرهاب"، وتم تقديمه لنائب مدير وكالة المخابرات المركزية، حينها، روبرت غيتس. 
 وأوضح التقرير أن اليونان وسوريا، كانتا على صلة مع أكثر من منظمة إرهابية، وفي مقدمتها "بي كي كي"، و"أصالا"، وقدمتا الدعم لهما. 
 ووفقاً للتقرير، فإن حافظ الأسد (رئيس النظام السابق ووالد بشار) في سوريا كان يقدم الدعم لمنظمة "بي كي كي" الإرهابية، إلى جانب جماعات دينية متطرفة (لم يسمّها).
 وبحسب التقرير، فإن نظام حافظ الأسد قدم الدعم للتنظيمات الإرهابية، لاستخدامها في منطقة الشرق الأوسط على وجه الخصوص. 
 وبحسب التقرير، فإن رئيس الوزراء اليوناني في الفترة المذكورة، "أندرياس باباندريو"، قدم الدعم لمنظمة "أصالا"، حيث كان هناك مكتب سري للمنظمة في العاصمة أثينا. 
 جدير بالذكر، أن منظمة "أصالا" الإرهابية (الجيش الأرمني السري لتحرير أرمينيا) منظمة يسارية متطرفة مسؤولة عن مهاجمة أهداف تركية في الخارج، بين عامي 1975 و1985 طالت عددا من الدبلوماسيين، وانتهى نشاطها عام 1994 بعد انفصالها لعدة مجموعات صغيرة افتقرت للدعم.
 وتنشر وكالة الاستخبارات الأمريكية، "السي أي أيه"، في موقعها على شبكة الإنترنت، وثائقها التي مر عليها 25 عاماً على الأقل، وترفع عنها صفة السرية. 

Tuesday, January 24, 2017

The Opposition Delegation in Astana refuses to talk about "JFS" till Iran-backed militias Get out of #Syria


Syrian opposition delegation in Astana refused to talk about the confrontation of Jabhat Fateh al-Sham (JFS) in Syria, before removing the foreign, "Iraqi ,Afghan and Iranian" militias from Syria.

In a press response to Osama Abu Zeid, a member of the opposition delegation, he said they rejected the request of the Russian side, to talk about JFS, before agreeing to a general principle, which requires the evacuation of foreign militants fighting alongside the al-Assad regime in Syria those are about (62) militias.

Replaying on the Iranian (al-Alam) TV channel reporter’s question about the besieged areas, Abu Zeid said that the regime and its militia besieging several areas in the south of Damascus, Eastern Ghouta and Wadi Barada areas whereas humanitarian aid constantly enters the villages of Foua’ and Kefarya, through the Bab Al-Hawa border crossing, controlled by opposition.

Muhammad Alloush, head of the opposition delegation, stressed that "the political process begins with the departure of Bashar al-Assad, and the exit of all militias and foreign forces of Iran in Syria."

#Abdelrahman_Nahhass

- Why #Syria could be Trump's biggest problem ?

CNN
President Donald Trump has dodged his first big foreign policy challenge.
The announcement by acting State Department spokesman Mark Toner that the US ambassador to Kazakhstan will attend Russian initiated Syria peace talks in Astana, beginning Monday, takes pressure off the Trump administration.
Whether by accident or intent, Russian President Vladimir Putin called for these talks to start three days after Trump's inauguration, and he only last week invited a US representative in an observer capacity.
With Trump's new administration far from fully up and running, Toner's announcement gives Trump breathing room as Putin appears to set a Syria agenda designed to keep the US and Trump on the back foot.
The Kremlin says it wants the talks to help cement a Syria ceasefire, but by marginalizing the US in the process, Putin is taking the lead in setting the terms of the outcome.
The politics behind who's invited
The decision as to who gets invited to join peace talks concerning the future of Syria had previously been that of the UN -- closely controlled by the US.
But in the case of the talks due to take place in Astana, Russia is in the driver's seat. It is the sponsor of the talks and gets to decide who comes.
Only days before participants were due to arrive did the US get an invitation -- as an observer, only.
Though this is a huge climb down for the US from previous peace efforts in Geneva, Switzerland, it must be considered that those previous talks didn't get very far.
The Geneva talks were supposed to usher in a transition from proximity contact -- parties meeting in separate rooms -- to protagonists meeting face to face. It never got beyond proximity.
It was limited to one group representing opposition, one the government.
In Astana, the stage seems set for broader participation.
Many of the opposition and rebel groups in Syria have said they will attend, as well as the Syrian government and peace guarantors Russia, Iran and Turkey.
With Putin the big power broker in Syria and the US now just a bit player, Trump's challenge will be to leverage the minimal hand Obama left him in securing US interests here and in the Middle East at large.
Both Trump and Putin want ISIS gone. But that may be all they have in common.
Russia's big ally in Syria is Iran: they both back Syrian President Bashar al-Assad, who Obama has said has blood on his hands, and who Trump himself says is bad.
Separating Iran and Russia over Syria may be Trump's most fundamental foreign policy challenge.
But splitting the atom may be easier than dividing the axis of Putin, Assad and Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei.
Taken at his word -- a dislike for Iran, an affinity for Putin, a dislike of Assad and a hatred of ISIS -- Trump's dilemma is clear.
To back Putin in Syria is to also back Iran, an anathema to many Republicans, some of whom are still seething over Obama's nuclear deal with the theocracy.
Backing Shia Iran is also an outrage to many of the US's allies in the Middle East, most of whom are Sunni Muslims.
In the Middle East today, there is simmering cold war between the Sunni and Shia populations. Many Sunnis fear that following the Bush invasion of Iraq, Iranian influence in the country is at an all-time high.
The growing influence of Iran is also a serious security concern for the US's most important ally in the region: Israel.
It gets more complicated
ISIS and al Qaeda have thrived thanks in part to Syria's civil war. Without a political solution -- and that means replacing Assad -- they may never be eradicated.
As Assad is Iran's key link to Hezbollah, even if Putin wanted to ditch the Syrian leader he'd face pushback from Tehran. Why would Putin risk this when Trump's hand is so weakened?
Trump also comes to the negotiating table as US ally Turkey seems to be turning to Putin. Turkey is increasingly angry that the US has backed Kurds to fight Assad and ISIS in Syria.
What would Putin want in return for any deal in Syria? Simple, but likely beyond Trump's reach to give: recognition of Putin's suzerainty in Syria, sanctions lifted over his seizure of Crimea and incursion into Ukraine, and NATO to step away from Russia's border.
That alone is a tall order, but to push through a deal that ignores Middle East allies would be tantamount to Obama's vacillation on chemical weapons, when he pledged to retaliate if Syria deployed such weapons, then didn't. Putin would win, and US regional leverage would wither.

First Day of #Syria Peace Talks Quickly Descends Into Quarreling

ASTANA, Kazakhstan — The first face-to-face meeting between Syrian rebel fighters and government officials in nearly six years of civil war ended abruptly on Monday when diplomatic talks quickly devolved into harsh words and competing accusations.
The new round of talks arranged by #Russia and Turkey in Astana, the capital of Kazakhstan, was meant to showcase Moscow’s increasingly dominant role in the diplomacy and its new understanding with the Turkish government, a leading sponsor of the rebels.
But the #Syrian_delegations almost immediately began arguing and refused to negotiate directly.
Mohammad al-Alloush of the Army of Islam, in his opening statement, labeled the government “a bloody despotic regime” backed by “vengeful sectarian militias,” and called for it to release what he said were 13,000 women being held as political prisoners and to end starvation sieges. That led to a heated exchange around a large circular table that forced Kazakh officials to call for calm, several participants said.
The lead government negotiator, Bashar al-Jaafari, speaking to reporters after the opening session, responded by calling the opposition delegation “armed terrorist groups,” and accused them of “impertinent” and “provocative” behavior.
The tension demonstrated the challenges that remain for #Russia, the Syrian government’s most powerful backer, as the Russian government tries to show its approach can accomplish more than the largely fruitless efforts led in past years by the United States and the United Nations.
Expectations for progress had been low. Many diplomats and analysts say the more meaningful talks are those that have been held in recent months, largely in secret, among Russia, Turkey and Iran.
The meeting in Astana, meant to send the message that Russia would seek to resolve the conflict in its sphere of influence, was markedly different from the United Nations-sponsored talks that have taken place in recent winters in Geneva.
Delegates crisscrossed the towering atrium of the Rixos Hotel in the remote Kazakh capital built 20 years ago on the orders of Nursultan Nazarbayev, the former Communist boss who has been the country’s president since it became independent with the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. He has a reputation as a pragmatic strongman and enjoys good relations with Russia and Turkey.
Palm trees planted indoors belied the subzero temperatures and blowing snow outside, as a flute-and-piano duo wearing evening gowns played “Strangers in the Night” and the theme from “Titanic.” Western diplomats, largely sidelined, huddled in the hotel’s Irish pub, and the United States ambassador to Kazakhstan, who was invited over Iran’s objections and attended only as an observer, avoided reporters.
When the Americans had participated in previous rounds of talks in Geneva, the meetings took place at the Palace of Nations, one of the stolid lakeside edifices built when the United Nations was formed after World War II. Those buildings symbolized a postwar order that tried to institutionalize human rights and the laws of war, an order associated with American leadership — or domination — amid the tensions of the Cold War.
Now, the role of the United States in Syria and across the Middle East is widely seen as having receded under former President Barack Obama, and its future remains uncertain. Mr. Obama, while backing some rebel groups, resisted deeper American involvement in the Syrian conflict, ceding the leading role to Russia. His successor, President Trump, has signaled broad approval of Russian leadership and policies and sent mixed messages on Syria.
Officially, all sides in the Syrian conflict describe the goal of the talks in Astana as reaffirming a tenuous cease-fire in order to revive the Geneva talks. The cease-fire, started in December and known formally as a cessation of hostilities, is largely ignored in many parts of the country and excludes jihadist groups, including the Levant Conquest Front and the Islamic State.
A strengthening of the cessation across Syria, the United Nations envoy Staffan de Mistura said Monday, could pave the way for discussion of more substantive political issues at talks scheduled for February in Geneva. The United Nations initially resisted anything more than an observer role in the talks in Astana, but Mr. de Mistura at the last minute agreed to act as a mediator and was shuttling between the delegations who were in separate rooms.
Western diplomats were also watching warily to see whether the talks in Astana could be a Russian effort to ultimately replace the Geneva discussions, which the Russian government has criticized. The Syrian government and the Russians have long argued that the Geneva framework, calling for a transitional body with full governing powers, does not require President Bashar al-Assad to step down, while the opposition has insisted that it does.
But as a practical matter, an increasing number of Western countries, including the United States, and even some of the rebels’ backers in the Middle East, like Turkey, have moved toward the Russian position.
With Turkey mainly concerned about checking Kurdish militants within its borders and in Syria, and the United States focused on battling Islamic State militants, they have stopped pushing loudly for Mr. Assad to step down ahead of a settlement, instead signaling that they could accept some role for him in a transitional political arrangement.
There were signs on Monday of Russian willingness to apply pressure on the Syrian government to keep the talks on track. The tense exchanges in Astana were followed by a Russian statement unusually critical of the Syrian government: The state-owned news agency RIA Novosti said monitors of a cease-fire in Syria were “particularly concerned about sporadic violations of truce by the Syrian government forces” — echoing a complaint of rebels.
Russia’s large-scale air campaign, which began in the fall of 2015, helped forces loyal to Mr. Assad drive rebels from their foothold late last year in half of the important city of Aleppo, an offensive criticized by the opposition for indiscriminate air and artillery attacks on civilians. Some rebel groups also shelled civilians in government-held areas.
Now one of the main battles is over Wadi Barada, a besieged rebel-held area in the watershed that provides most of the drinking water for Damascus, the Syrian capital. Water supplies have been cut off for weeks, with the government blaming rebels and rebels blaming the government.
Mr. Jaafari, the chief Syrian government negotiator and his country’s envoy to the United Nations, was incensed that Mr. Alloush, the rebel representative, had sounded the alarm over the plight of people in Wadi Barada. He said raising concerns about government attacks on Wadi Barada was tantamount to defending the Nusra Front, the former name of the Levant Conquest Front, which is excluded from the cease-fire. Residents and rebel fighters in Wadi Barada say that some Nusra fighters are present, but they are a minority among other rebel groups and civilians.
Mr. Jaafari said that rebel groups had “misunderstood” the terms of the cease-fire, adding, “We had guarantees from their guarantors that they would behave, but they did not behave.”
Fares Bayoush, a negotiator from an American-backed rebel group who defected from the Syrian Army, said, “He is the one who misunderstood.”

Astana Talks: Why Iran and Russia differ on Syria ?

With a new administration under Donald Trump taking the helm in Washington, Iran has shown its concerns by opposing any participation by the United States in upcoming Syrian peace talks scheduled for today in Astana, the capital of Kazakhstan.
 “We have not invited them, and we are against their presence,” Iranian Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif said on January 17, according to Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, citing Iran’s Tasnim news agency.
This is Iran trying to keep a straight face for its dwindling social base back home, knowing they have lost hegemony in the Syria dossier to Russia, and yet refusing to admit such a strategic setback. Zarif’s remarks, however, went against pledges made by Russia and Turkey, who have recently taken the initiative out of Iran’s hands in Syria, of inviting the new Trump administration to the Astana talks. US officials have also signaled Washington will be taking part in the new effort.
This latest development points to a major conflict over one of the many definite flashpoints to come between Washington and Tehran over the Middle East. This goes parallel to the highly possible strong approach Team Trump is on the track of adopting, making a significant U-turn in comparison to the Obama administration and their immensely flawed appeasement policy.
In fact, it also proves how Moscow never considered Tehran a strategic partner. It is quite obvious Kremlin would prefer a strong relationship and a real “reset” with the White House, and not the mullahs and what little they have to offer. While Iran considers Syria its 35th province, it has never been the case for Moscow.
 “If the enemy attacks us and seeks to take Syria or Khuzestan [oil-rich southwestern Iranian province], our priority would be to keep Syria, because if we keep Syria, we can take back Khuzestan. But if we lose Syria, we would lose Tehran,” said senior Iranian cleric and former IRGC intelligence chief Mehdi Taeb in describing the utter importance of Syria for Iran.
Russia’s objectives
Russia, however, has a variety of objectives in its return to the Middle East after 40 years. With crippling sanctions imposed by the US and Europe over the row in Ukraine and Crimea, Moscow is considering to not only gain a foothold in a strategic corner of the globe, but to also obtain a bargaining chip for future deals with Brussels and Washington.
Russia seeks to maintain its hold on Syria as a Middle East ally and a profitable market for its export of military weapons. This, however, does not spell into maintaining Syrian dictator Bashar Assad in power. The arrangements Moscow is looking for can be reached in talks with the West.
Tehran, on the other hand, is trekking a completely different trail and continuing its original path of establishing a disastrous “Shiite crescent” across the region. Meaning Iran simply cannot have an overhaul take place in Syria, while this is exactly what the Western-backed Syrian opposition seeks.
Iran has invested heavily in Syria and its conglomerate of Shiite militias–far more powerful than what is left of Assad’s army–are taking orders from Tehran, not Damascus. Syria is the cornerstone and the backbone of Iran’s Middle East strategy, stretching from Iraq to Lebanon and even Yemen.
As a result, with Russia pursuing a main objective of obtaining more concessions from the US and Europe on various issues including Ukraine, the possibility of Moscow and Washington reaching an agreement over Syria vastly in contrast to Tehran’s interests should not at all be considered farfetched.
This lays the ground for a dangerous potential, from Iran’s perspective, of Russia and the US coming to terms over Syria’s future. Moscow is in pursuit of a fast solution for Syria and sees Washington involvement in the Astana talks in line with such an objective.
And this is why Zarif, Iran’s top diplomat, seems to have shown such a harsh reaction, as if Iran is being thrown under the bus by Russia. The dispute between Moscow and Tehran over Syria and its future are serious, to say the least. As I explained in a recent Gatestone piece:
 “Iran may have enjoyed tactical gains in Aleppo. However, Russia apparently has separate, long-term interests in complete dissimilarity from those of Tehran. Russia has conducted secret direct talks with the Syrian opposition. To add insult to injury, Iran – viewing the Obama presidency as a golden era – is also concerned about the incoming presidency of Donald Trump and his administration, who seem to have strong views against Tehran.”

Third Agreement Between Rebels and Regime For a Ceasefire in Wadi Barada

- #Damascus_Suburbs | Jan 24th, 2017 : #Insaan_Rights_Watch

Third Agreement Between Rebels and #Assad For a Ceasefire in Wadi Barada

- A delegation from #Assad regime forces has agreed, on Sunday, with the rebels of Wadi Barada and a number of residents on a ceasefire between the two parties.

Activists reported that the meeting held in the town of Der Qanun in Wadi Barada resulted in an agreement for an immediate ceasefire along with the exit of the rebels from the region within 48 hours towards #Idleb. The agreement included:

The exit of the militants unwilling to settle their situations towards Idlib within 48 hours.

Settling the situation of the dissidents and those refraining from military service and giving them 6-month time limit to join the military service.

Residents of the villages of Basimah, Ayn al-Khadra, Ayn al-Fijeh, Afra, and Hurayra to return to their villages along with the withdrawal of regime forces to their villages too.

Maintenance workshops to enter #Wadi_Barada immediately and start pumping water to Damascus as soon as possible.
Regime's institutions to enter Wadi Barada along with the return of basic services and to break the siege.

It is noteworthy that this is the third agreement between the rebels and regime forces in Wadi Barada, but the latter and sectarian militias had violated and re-bombed the area in each time they reached an agreement.

Monday, January 23, 2017

مركز "حميميم" الروسي قلق من خروقات النظام السوري للهدنة

وكالات -



حذّر "مركز المصالحة الروسي"، اليوم الإثنين، النظام السوري من ارتكاب خروقات جديدة للهدنة في سوريا، مؤكداً ضرورة التزامه الكامل باتفاق وقف إطلاق النار.

جاء هذا في وقت تستمر فيه قوات النظام السوري، وداعميه من الميليشيات الأجنبية الإرهابية، في انتهاك وقف إطلاق النار المعلن عنه في أواخر ديسمبر/ كانون الأول الماضي.
وذكرت قناة روسيا اليوم، أن "مركز المصالحة الروسي"، الذي يتخذ من قاعدة حميميم الجوية في محافظة اللاذقية، غربي سوريا، مقرًا له، "يذّكر قيادة الجيش السوري (التابع للنظام) بحزم بضرورة الالتزام الكامل بوقف إطلاق النار".
وأضافت القناة، نقلًا عن المركز، أن طرفي النزاع (في سوريا) يلتزمان بالهدنة، إلا أن قيادة المركز قلقة من خروقات "تحصل من وقت لآخر" ومصدرها قوات النظام السوري.
من جهته، أعرب مسؤول كبير في المركز الروسي لمراقبة وقف إطلاق النار بسوريا(ضمن مركز المصالحة)، لوكالة "ريا نوفوستي" الروسية، عن القلق من الانتهاكات الدورية من قوات النظام لوقف إطلاق النار.
وقال المسؤول الروسي الذي لم يكشف اسمه، إنه جرى إبلاغ النظام "بضرورة التزام بعض قادته بوقف إطلاق النار".
وأضاف أن "مراقبي المركز يرصدون يومياً ما معدله 6 خروقات للنظام".
ودخل اتفاق وقف إطلاق النار في سوريا حيز التنفيذ، اعتبارًا من 30 ديسمبر/كانون الأول الماضي، بعد موافقة النظام السوري والمعارضة عليه، بفضل تفاهمات تركية روسية وبضمان الدولتين.
وفي وقت سابق اليوم، أفادت مصادر محلية في الداخل السوري، بأن الميليشيات الأجنبية الإرهابية الداعمة للنظام السوري، تشن هجومًا بريًا على الغوطة الشرقية، وحي جوبر بريف العاصمة دمشق.
وأضافت المصادر نفسها أنّ منطقة نوى بمحافظة درعا الجنوبية، ومنطقة سان بمحافظة حماة (وسط البلاد)، ومناطق عندان وحريتان وحيان شمال غرب حلب، تتعرض اليوم لهجوم جوي من قِبل طائرات النظام.
وبدأت اليوم الإثنين، في العاصمة الكازاخية أستاتة، الجلسة الافتتاحية للمباحثات، حيث أفاد موفد الأناضول بأن المباحثات المنعقدة في فندق ريكسوس ستكون مباشرة بين وفدي النظام والمعارضة، التي تتخوف من الدور السلبي للوفد الإيراني.

- نزوح كبير للمدنيين من مناطق قسد في دير الزور إلى الشمال السوري

- دير الزور : تحدثت تقارير إعلامية أن موجة نزوح كبيرة للمدنيين، تشهدها مناطق سيطرة قوات سوريا الديموقراطية بريف دير الزور إلى الشمال ا...